From Coup to Constitution: Niger's General Tiani Sworn in as Five-Year Transitional President

Niger's Military Leader Tiani Sworn in as Transitional President for Five Years

This ceremony marks the culmination of a political trajectory that began with the July 2023 coup d'état when Tiani, then commander of Niger's presidential guard, detained democratically elected President Mohamed Bazoum. The swearing-in ceremony included Tiani's promotion to the highest military rank of army general and the issuance of a decree dissolving all political parties in the country. This development represents a significant milestone in Niger's political evolution and carries substantial implications for regional stability, international relations, and the country's economic future.

Tiani's Rise to Power: From Presidential Guard Commander to Head of State

General Abdourahamane Tiani, born in 1960 in the Tillabéri Region of Niger, belongs to the Hausa ethnic group and joined the Nigerien army in 1984 after studying at the National School of Active Officers in Thiès, Senegal. His military career spans several decades, during which he commanded forces in Niger's Zinder, Agadez, and Diffa regions where he fought against drug trafficking. His experience includes service in UN peacekeeping missions in Ivory Coast, Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of Congo, as well as participation in the Multinational Joint Task Force established to combat Boko Haram.

In 2011, Tiani was appointed commander of the Presidential Guard by then-President Mahamadou Issoufou, who later promoted him to general in 2018. Unlike most high-ranking officers who frequently engaged with government leadership, Tiani was primarily a "soldiers' soldier," described as low-profile and keeping his views to himself. Those who worked with him consistently note his stubborn character, with one advisor to former President Bazoum remarking, “Once he has decided something, it is difficult to make him change his mind”.

The military takeover of July 2023 was reportedly triggered by strained relations between Tiani and President Bazoum, with sources suggesting that Bazoum had planned to relieve Tiani from his position during a cabinet meeting on July 24, just two days before the coup. The coup began when members of the Presidential Guard detained Bazoum at the presidential palace on the morning of July 26, 2023. After securing support from Niger's Armed Forces, Tiani proclaimed himself leader of the National Council for the Safeguard of the Homeland (CNSP) on July 28. In his first televised address, he justified the coup as necessary to avoid "the gradual and inevitable demise" of Niger, claiming that Bazoum had tried to hide "the harsh reality" of the country, which he characterized as “a pile of dead, displaced, humiliation and frustration”.

The Refoundation Charter: Framework for Niger's Five-Year Transition

The newly implemented Refoundation Charter fundamentally redefines Niger's institutional framework, establishing a transition period of 60 months that remains adjustable “depending on the security situation, the refoundation roadmap, and the agenda of the Confederation of Sahel States”. This charter was formalized during a ceremony implementing recommendations and resolutions from a national conference held in February 2025.

A significant feature of the charter addresses the presence of foreign military forces on Nigerien territory, defining two distinct authorization procedures. Under normal circumstances, a referendum following consultation with the sovereign people is required. However, in "cases of proven emergency," the president and commander-in-chief of the armed forces may grant authorization by decree after consulting with the Refoundation Advisory Council, with the stipulation that the duration “must not exceed the time necessary to stabilize the situation”.

During his inauguration ceremony, Tiani addressed his promotion to army general with apparent humility, stating, “I receive this distinction with great humility... I will strive to live up to the trust placed in me”. While the transition period is set at five years, the charter's flexible timeframe reflects the complex security challenges facing Niger, particularly the ongoing threat of jihadist attacks that the junta has consistently cited as justification for the military takeover.

Regional Realignment: The Alliance of Sahel States and Departure from ECOWAS

Under Tiani's leadership, Niger has dramatically realigned its regional partnerships, most notably through the formation of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) with Mali and Burkina Faso, two countries also governed by military juntas following coups between 2020 and 2023. This confederation was created as a mutual defense pact on September 16, 2023, during the 2023 Nigerien crisis when ECOWAS threatened military intervention to restore civilian rule. The confederation was formally established on July 6, 2024, with the adoption of a treaty to deepen political, economic, and security cooperation among the three states.

In a significant diplomatic shift, the three AES countries formally withdrew from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) on January 29, 2025, after providing the required one-year notice. This withdrawal has reshaped the regional landscape, with ECOWAS losing 76 million of its 446 million people and a substantial portion of its geographical territory. The AES is now geographically larger than ECOWAS, covering 2,781,392 km² compared to ECOWAS's adjusted 2,087,596 km².

The alliance has quickly moved to establish its identity and infrastructure, launching its official flag on February 22, 2025, after validation by the heads of state. Practical initiatives include the abolition of roaming charges for telephone communications between the three countries, the introduction of a common biometric passport for AES citizens as of January 29, 2025, and plans for a 5,000-strong joint military unit to combat jihadists across AES territory.

International Reactions and Diplomatic Consequences

The international community has responded to Niger's military takeover and Tiani's leadership with varying degrees of criticism and pragmatism. Following the 2023 coup, the African Union condemned the action "in the strongest terms possible" and demanded that military personnel return to their barracks and restore constitutional authority within 15 days. ECOWAS imposed heavy sanctions, including border closures, asset freezes, and trade restrictions, while threatening military intervention if the junta did not reinstate Bazoum.

Western powers similarly responded with punitive measures. The European Union and France suspended security cooperation and financial aid to Niger, with the EU declaring it would not recognize the putschists. France, Niger's former colonial ruler with 1,500 troops stationed in the country, faced particularly strong backlash, with pro-coup demonstrations featuring Russian flags and calls for French withdrawal. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken warned that the coup threatened “years of successful cooperation and hundreds of millions of dollars of assistance”.

The junta's response to international pressure has been defiant. Tiani explicitly rejected the sanctions, stating that he “refused to give in to any threat”. Similar to military rulers in Mali and Burkina Faso, Niger expelled France's Barkhane military operation and other European forces, turning instead to Russia for security assistance in the Sahel region[1]. This pivot away from traditional Western partners represents a significant realignment of Niger's security and diplomatic relationships, with potential long-term implications for regional stability and counterterrorism efforts.

Economic Challenges and Recovery Prospects

The political transition under Tiani has had substantial economic consequences for Niger. Economic activity slowed to 2.0-2.5% growth in 2023, down from 6.9% before the crisis, primarily due to the political regime change, ECOWAS and WAEMU sanctions, and the freezing of external funding by international partners. An estimated 7.5% of GDP in external financing was not disbursed in 2023 due to disruptions in international development assistance.

Despite these constraints, Niger's economy demonstrated remarkable resilience, with growth remaining positive due to the country's high level of informal trade (less affected by sanctions) and its oil-producing capacity with a domestic refinery. The authorities implemented emergency measures, including careful budget management to ensure the continuation of public-sector salary payments and increasing local electricity production in response to Nigeria's cutting power supplies.

Looking forward, economic projections suggest a rebound, with growth potentially reaching 5.7-10.4% in 2024 and averaging 6.5-7.4% in 2025-26. This recovery would be driven primarily by large-scale oil exports, although non-oil industries and service sectors that accumulated significant losses in 2023 face a more difficult path to recovery. However, these projections are subject to considerable uncertainty due to regional dynamics and substantial downside risks, including potential deterioration in security, terms of trade shocks, climatic events, difficult financing conditions, and ongoing trade disputes with neighboring countries.

Under Tiani's leadership, analysts have identified three main economic policy objectives: modernizing the army, promoting economic growth (including reduced dependence on uranium through investments in agriculture, infrastructure, and renewable energy), and implementing an anti-corruption agenda. These priorities reflect an attempt to address both immediate security concerns and longer-term developmental challenges in one of the world's poorest countries, where nominal GDP stands at approximately $19.4 billion and GDP per capita at just $692, far below the global average of $10,589.

Military Leaders as Political Heads: Comparative Perspectives

Tiani's transition from military commander to head of state follows a pattern observed across various African countries and throughout history. The continent has experienced a concerning resurgence of military takeovers, with West and Central Africa recording eight coups d'état since 2020. Political analyst Chukwudi Odoeme suggests that this trend reflects popular dissatisfaction with civilian governance, noting, “Where the issue of legitimacy is lacking in the people who compose an organization, it becomes a difficult thing to hold onto any resolution that they have made”.

Historical precedents offer mixed lessons about such transitions. In Africa, military leaders who successfully transformed into political heads include Paul Kagame of Rwanda, who commanded the Rwandan Patriotic Front during the civil war before becoming president in 2000, a position he continues to hold. Laurent-Désiré Kabila and his son Joseph Kabila both led the Democratic Republic of Congo following military careers. These examples demonstrate the varied outcomes possible when military figures assume political leadership.

Looking beyond Africa, numerous historical cases illustrate that military backgrounds have often served as pathways to political leadership. In the United States, several presidents, including George Washington, Zachary Taylor, and Franklin Pierce, leveraged their military credentials to gain political legitimacy. However, the context of their ascensions, through democratic elections rather than coups, differs significantly from Tiani's case.

The "Traditional Doctrine of political transition" posits that countries shifting away from authoritarian regimes are transitioning toward democracy. However, scholars have increasingly questioned this assumption, noting that transitions often lead to different outcomes based on structural factors, including economic conditions, institutional legacies, and ethnic characteristics. In Niger's case, persistent security threats from jihadist groups, economic vulnerabilities, and institutional weaknesses have all influenced the trajectory of its political transformation.

Future Outlook: Challenges and Opportunities for Niger Under Tiani

As Niger moves forward under Tiani's leadership, the country faces multiple significant challenges. Security concerns remain paramount, with jihadist attacks continuing to threaten stability across the Sahel region. Tiani has consistently cited these security threats as justification for both the coup and the extended transition period[13]. The formation of the Alliance of Sahel States represents an attempt to create a more coordinated regional response to these threats, though the effectiveness of this approach remains to be seen.

Economic development presents another crucial challenge. Despite positive growth projections, Niger remains one of the world's poorest countries. The education system struggles to accommodate the rapidly growing school-age population, with more than 50% of children between the ages of 7 and 16 estimated to be out of school. Infrastructure needs are substantial, with approximately 36% of the country's primary and secondary classrooms classified as "Classe Paillote" or Straw Hut Classrooms as of 2022. To meet future demands, an estimated 2,500 primary and 1,037 secondary classrooms need to be built annually over the next three decades.

The path to eventual democratic transition remains uncertain. While the Refoundation Charter establishes a five-year transitional period, historical precedents suggest that military leaders often extend their rule beyond initially promised timeframes. The dissolution of political parties raises questions about how democratic institutions will be rebuilt during and after the transition. Regional trends are not encouraging, as neighboring countries with similar military takeovers have also experienced extended transitions with limited progress toward civilian rule.

Conclusion: Implications for Niger's Political Future

General Abdourahamane Tiani's formal installation as Niger's transitional president represents a critical juncture in the country's political evolution. The five-year mandate established by the Refoundation Charter provides a framework for addressing Niger's complex challenges, but success will depend on how Tiani's government navigates security threats, economic recovery, and international relations.

The formation of the Alliance of Sahel States signals a significant restructuring of regional dynamics in West Africa, creating potential for enhanced cooperation among the three military-led states but also risking further isolation from traditional partners and financial supporters. Niger's economic recovery, while promising according to projections, remains vulnerable to multiple risk factors ranging from security deterioration to climate shocks.

For stakeholders concerned with Niger's future, several critical areas warrant attention. Regional organizations should develop more nuanced approaches to countries experiencing military takeovers, recognizing that sanctions alone have proven ineffective in restoring democratic governance. International partners should continue humanitarian support to Niger's population while maintaining pressure for concrete steps toward eventual democratic transition. Civil society organizations must monitor Tiani's government for human rights abuses while advocating for inclusive dialogue about Niger's political future.

The success of Niger's transition will ultimately be measured not by the length of Tiani's presidency but by whether his leadership addresses the fundamental challenges of security, economic development, and good governance that initially fueled popular support for the military takeover. Only time will reveal whether this military-led transition represents a path toward stability and prosperity or merely another chapter in Niger's complex political history.